Is Lebanon a Fragile State?

Introduction Middle Eastern e aver states came into existence not as a result of naturally-evolving and unique historical, social, or goernmental processes r individuallying a nexus of cohesion, but rather, they emerged as a manifestation of the fragility of colonial ability in the persona (Zweiri a. o. 2008 4). The level of statehood in the Middle East and its establishment by colonial designers has ensured that this remains a touchy and unstable region (Zweiri a. o. 2008 4).After the wreck of the Ottoman empire the state structure of Lebanon, for example, was instituted to ensure the treasureion and local anaesthetic hegemony of the Christian Maronites, who were backed by the French in the 1930s and 1940s (Zweiri a. o. 2008 4). The consequences of this structuring can still be felt today (Zweiri a. o. 2008 4). Further more than, inter case actors continue to provide support either through with(predicate) foreign attend to or their policies to certain select actors in side touchy state placement of ruless.Such a process of choosing sides only evidences upgrade instability and exacerbates state fragility (Zweiri a. o. 2008 4). In the contemporary turbulent human of globalization and ever-increasing interdependence crossways individuals, groups, inter subject area governings and nation-states, the existence of weak/ breakable/ let aced states is more and more resonaten as a portentous invade (Iqbal & Starr 2007 2). The media, states, and international organizations capture seen much(prenominal) states as threats to localize and stability in the international constitution (Iqbal & Starr 2007 2).Failed states ar seen as universeness associated with a tramp of lines economic, social, semipolitical, and array (Iqbal & Starr 2007 3). And they atomic number 18 seen as having a wide range of negative consequences for their own people, their neighbors, their regions, and the global confederacy the chief reason why the world should worry astir(predicate) state chastening is that it is contagious (The Economist, cited in Iqbal & Starr 2007 3). Is Lebanon a ticklish state?Since her independence Lebanon has struggled in keeping up the difficult balance a small state of matter in a employment z nonp areil, Christians versus Islamics, the cultivated war, the negative influence of big neighbor Syria, the role of the Palestinians and the refugee problem, the tension with Israel, the murder of former prime pastor Rafik Hariri on 14 February 2005 which put the political revisal of the region in great danger, the emergence of Muslim adicalism and extremism and the rise of al-Jihad, the crumbling of the Christian connection and the role of the Lebanese diasporas. To answer this question the political bless of Lebanon go away be examined from a geo-political and internal perspective. The book Lebanon Liberation, conflict and Crisis, is interpreted as starting point for this paper. It is champion of the bo oks from the Middle East in Focus series, edited by Barry Rubin. The Middle East has flex simultaneously the worlds to the highest degree controversial, crisis-ridden, and yet least- belowstood region.Taking new perspectives on the area that has belowgone the to the highest degree hammy changes, the Middle East in Focus series seeks to bring the best, most accurate expertise to turn in for understanding the areas countries, departures, and problems. The resulting books are designed to be balanced, accurate, and blanket(prenominal) compendiums of both facts and analysis presented intelligibly for both experts and the general reader. To answer the aboriginal question, the concept of a fallible state will origin be scrutinized. In the follo get aheadg section the demographics of Lebanon will be reflected upon. The third section outlines the Lebanese state and political system.The fourth section takes into consideration the external influences on the country. The final sect ion depicts the effects of these variant factors on the fragility of the Lebanese political system. 1. Conceptualization and determinants of a fragile state The Failed carrys Index 2010 ranks Lebanon on the 34th place. With a score of 90. 9/120 the country is considered to be in danger (Foreign insurance 2011b). What does state tribulation actually mean? at that place is no agreement on what constitutes fragility and no state likes to be labeled as fragile by the international community (Iqbal & Starr 4, see as fountainhead Stewart and Brown 2010).Below a set of existing commentarys or characterizations of the general phenomenon of state failure will be outlined. It is helpful to begin by looking at existing definitions at bottom the aid community. According to the investment trust for Peace A state that is failing has several attributes. One of the most common is the loss of corporal swan of its territory or a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Other attributes of st ate failure include the erosion of legitimate authority to make collective decisions, an inability to provide reasonable unexclusive avails, and the inability to nteract with other states as a full member of the international community. The 12 social, economic, political and military indicators cover a wide range of elements of the risk of state failure, such as extensive rotting and criminal behavior, inability to collect taxes or otherwise draw on citizen support, large-scale involuntary break of the universe, sharp economic decline, group-establish in liveity, institutionalized persecution or discrimination, severe demographic pressures, brain drain, and environmental decay. States can fail at varying rates through explosion, implosion, erosion, or invasion over dissentent time periods. (Foreign indemnity 2011a). The UKs part for International Development (DfID) definition of fragile states focuses on dish out entitlements (Stewart and Brown 2005 1-2). DfID defines fragile states as surpassring where the government cannot or will not deliver core functions to the major(ip)ity of its people, including the poor. The most definitive functions of the state for scantiness reduction are territorial control, safety and credentials, faculty to manage public resources, lurch of basic services, and the ability to protect and support the ways in which the poorest people sustain themselves. (DfID 2005 7). Four great categories of indicative features of fragile states were provided state authority for safety and security effective political business leader economic management administrative capacity to deliver services (Iqball & Starr 4). Each was categorized in terms of capacity to provide them, and the willingness to provide them (Iqball & Starr 4). In as more, DfID explicitly notes that it does not restrict its definition of fragility to counterpoint or immediate post- battle countries (Stewart and Brown 2005 2).Non-conflict countries which are fai ling to ensure service entitlements constitute fragile states under DfIDs definition similarly, countries in conflict but which are nonethe slight providing an acceptable level of service entitlements to the majority of the population would not constitute fragile states under DfIDs definition (Stewart and Brown 2005 2). The definition which the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) employs, is similar but goes beyond a governments failure to provide comprehensive services and includes the protection of the populations human rights and security States are fragile when state tructures lack political will and/or capacity to provide the basic functions needed for poverty reduction, development and to safeguard the security and human rights of their populations (Stewart & Brown 2010 9). Finally, for the World Bank fragile states refers to countries facing particularly severe development challenges weak institutional capacity, poor governance, and political instabi lity. Often these countries experience ongoing strength as the residue of past severe conflict.Ongoing armed conflicts affect leash out of four fragile states (World Bank 2011). From this brief review, we can see that thither are considerable areas of overlap in the authoritative use of the term fragile states within the development community, but also differences of breadth and emphasis. Here, in this paper, fragile states are to be defined as states that are failing, or at risk of failing, with take note to authority, comprehensive basic service provision, or legitimacy.Authority failures are cases where the state lacks the authority to protect its citizens from violence of various kinds service failures are cases where the state fails to ensure that all citizens lease access to basic services legitimacy failures occur where the state lacks legitimacy (Stewart & Brown 2010 10). 2. Demographic dilemmas One of the features that distinguish Lebanon in the region is its social c om horizon, a spectrum of different religious minorities. (Fawaz 2009 25). A large majority of the 4. million Lebanese belong to one of three main sectsSunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, and Maronite Christianswith Greek Orthodox, Druze, and over a dozen other groups comprising the rest (Farha 2009 83). Demographic and political representations never fully overlapped in the course of Lebanons history (Farha 2009 83). Recurrent phases of incongruity amidst demographic and political balances of power have been a major driving force in all cycles of conflict (Farha 2009 83). Lebanons modern history has been punctuated by bimonthly outbreaks of fratricidal violence, followed by political compromises that recalibrated the istribution of power and privilege among the major confessional communities (Farha 200983). Lets have a closer look at the demographics of Lebanon. In Lebanon we find high schooler(prenominal) Muslims birthrates (Farha 2009 87). Fertility favors the Shia of Lebanon in part icular and the Muslims in general (Raphaeli 2009 110). However, a projection based on fertility rates, ignores the lower infant and child mortality rates among Christians, which have counterbalanced higher Muslim birthrates to some extent (Farha 2009 87).Some doubt should constantly be cast on the accuracy of projected estimates with look to the precise surface of the resident population as the last census took place in 1932. several(predicate) actors present different numbers for different political reasons (Farha 2009). Emigration is a big issue there are more Lebanese living abroad than Lebanese-born living inside the country. A disproportionately high rate of Christian transportation took place from the mid-nineteenth- through the twentieth century, particularly during and after eruptions of civil action in 1860, 19141918, and 19751990 (Farha 2009 86). Over 900,000 Lebanese emigrated surrounded by the outbreak of civil war in 1975 and 2001 (Farha 2009 86). By 2006, the si ze of the Christian community was reduced to 30 percent of the total Lebanese population (Raphaeli 2009 110). However it is verbalize that these recent immigrants were not only Christians, but also Muslims (Farha 2009 86). It is debated whether the Christian Lebanese people worldwide outnumber the Muslim Lebanese. Against the notion that descendants of Lebanese Christians comprise the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese in the diaspora, Farha (2009 86) argues that emigration is equally seek By Muslims and Christians.Moreover, a 2006 study conducted by the Lebanese Emigration Research spirit at NDU found that the percentage departure rates within each confession were almost equal (Farha 2009 86). This is politically relevant as MP Nimtallah Abi Nasr hopes to expand the prospective pool of expatriate Christian voters with his front for a (re)naturalization of second and third-generation Lebanese abroad (Farha 2009 87). Also al-Jihad has actively encouraged first-generation Shia emigrants to cross-file their children as citizens for much the same reason (Farha 2009 87).Lebanons current power sharing covenant is utmost out of step with demographic realities (Farha 2009 88). flush the most conservative statistical conjectures leave Lebanese Muslims significantly underrepresented in the parliament and the council of government ministers, an incongruity that will grow in the years ahead (Farha 2009 88). A revisal of the 1989 Taif agreement, which was the basis for ending the decades-long Lebanese civil war, and in which the Christians gave up their majority whereby granting Muslims a lawful partnership in the political process, has been discussed though.However, up till now we see that the Taif agreement is being preserved not am stop. Amending the Taif will not serve the interests of the Christians considering the population-increase of non-Christians. In view of the growing disequilibrium between demographic and political representation in Lebanon, a recalibration of the Taif power-sharing formula along the lines of a m some(prenominal)-sided division of power (muthalatha) among Christians, Sunnis, and Shia is all but inevitable in the coming years (Farha 2009 90).While a tripartite division of power may not correspond precisely with Lebanons demographic balance, it is the adjacent possible approximation in the absence of a census and the only recalibration formula that could conceivably win the support of all three (Farha 2009 90). So long as no one sect compromises a demographic majority few Lebanese would feel themselves egregiously underrepresented by a tripartite division of power (Farha 2009 90).However, while proposals to this effect have circulated for over two decades a sweeping revision of the Constitution is highly un apparent in the short term (Farha 2009 90). Indeed, the main leaders of both March 14 and the impedance have explicitly rejected Sunni-Shia-Christian tripartism as an alternative to Muslim-Christian p aritya position that perhaps has less to do with innate preferences than with the political exigencies of appealing to a deeply divided and anxious Christian community (Farha 2009 90).Ideally, Lebanon should of course be reconfigured on a non-confessional basis. A political system is needed which is not based on the (numerical) strength of religious communities. Although, deconfessionalization may be a better cure for Lebanons ailments in principle, in practice those who hold positions of power under the sectarian system are not likely to promulgate its abrogation (Farha 2009 90) . 3. The dilemmas of the Lebanese political system and state 3. The state In Lebanon there is rivalry over the nature of the state, as advantageously(p) as over national identity (El-Khazer 2004 6). There is a problem of defining the boundaries of the state and, more important, of the nation (El-Khazen 2004 6). Lebanon is a multi-communal state which raises the question of legitimacy, and, by extension, the long suit of the political system in spots of crisis (El-Khazen 2004 6). We see loyalties transcending state boundaries.El-Khazen (2004 8) argues that several, interpretations explaining the weakness of the Lebanese state, and later the causes of its collapse in the mid-1970s such as the growing imbalance between loads and capabilities on the political system, the divisive forces intrinsic in Lebanons political system, increasing socio-economic inequalities along sectarian, class and regional lines or government inefficiency, nepotism and corruption, are of limited explanatory value, as none of these problems where unique to Lebanon. While Lebanon shares broad characteristic with other entangled societies, it has particular features of its own (El-Khazen 2004 32).First Lebanon has a large number of communities that are politically active, some of whom have clearly communal agendas second, in Lebanon there is no numerically dominant group which constitutes 60 or 70 percent of the total population (furthermore, the differences in the size of the three major groups are relatively small, which limits political significance) third is the changing demographic balance in Lebanon fourth, communal transformations in Lebanon have not reached a significant degree of maturity, moreover, in Lebanon communal development has been in constant commingle and disputes have changed partly because of internal political relation and partly because of the unstable regional situation which has deeply bear on Lebanon fifth, what sets Lebanon apart from other divided societies is the regional order with which it has had to interact, the Middle East in one of the most unstable regional orders in the post-Second World War international system (El-Khazen 2004 32).Where Lebanons problems ultimately differ according to El-Khazen (2004 10) is in the nature and scope of externally-generated problems originating mainly from its regional order itemally the Arab state system and post -1967 PLO. Lebanons confessional political system () functioned relatively well for over three decades. It collapsed when it was subjected to pressure, particularly externally-generated pressure, which the system could not contain while preserving its open character and the plural nature of decree (El-Kahzen 200432). El-Khazen (2004 6) suggests three phases which characterize the breakdown of the state in Lebanon first the erosion and eventual loss of power second, the political paralysis and power vacuum third, the collapse of state institutions and the eruption of violence. 3. 2 The political systemEver since it attained independence from the French in 1943, Lebanons political system has been based on the National Charter (al-mithaq al-watani)an unwritten but implemented pact that recognizes the division of the country into religious communities (Raphaeli 2009 110). According to the 1943 National Pact between sectarian leaders, the electric chair would be a Maronite the prime mi nister a Sunni and the parliamentary speaker a Shia (Harris 2009 16). The hires distribution of power among the various religious communities reflects the fact that in the 1940s, Christians represented 60 percent of the population and the various Muslim communities occupied the remaining 40 percent (Raphaeli 2009 110).This was adjusted to an even divorce in 1989. Unstable multisectarian factions rather than ideological parties have dominated the legislature (Harris 2009 17). The Lebanese political system has some positives to it. First, Lebanon is one of the in truth few Middle Eastern countries where the government arises from parliament (Harris 2009 17). Second, the Lebanese system has been the political framework for a dynamic public pluralism unheard of anywhere else in the Arab world (Harris 2009 17). pull down the intimidation from 1990 to 2005 by the Damascus-directed security apparatus did not destroy a innocent(p)wheeling civil ball club and an assertive media (Harris 2009 17).Third, the reemergence of confessional democracy in May 2005, with Syrias enforced military withdrawal and the first free elections since 1972, produced a parliamentary balance close to the probable numerical weight of major political forces (Harris 2009 17). Still, Lebanons political system has many deficiencies. Between 1975 and 2005, it effectively ceased to function, with 15 years of violent breakdown followed by 15 years of manipulative Syrian hegemonya hegemony approved by the watt until about 2000 (Harris 2009 17). Even when operating, the system has never reconciled representation of communities with representation of individual citizens (Harris 2009 17). Parliamentary deputies are elected under sectarian labels at the same time as they are constitutionally bound to act for the multitude regardless of sect (Harris 2009 17).The allocation of parliamentary seats has become out of line with the numerical charge of the communities (Harris 2009 17). Only an internatio nally supervised census, which no one wants, can resolve the issue (Harris 2009 17). Every community has its demographic mythology, which they do not want punctured (Harris 2009 17). The Shia community has increased from one-fifth of the population in 1932 to probably around one-third today. Even under the 1989 adjustment, it gets 27 seats out of 128 when it should have at least 40 (Harris 2009 17). 4. Regionally powered dilemmas The external connections of Lebanons communal blocs involve antagonists in Middle Eastern disputes (Harris 2009 10).The Maronite Catholics have longstanding relations with the west Lebanons Shia provided religious scholars who back up the conversion of Iranians to Twelver Shiism in the sixteenth century, Lebanese Sunni affinities is more with Saudi-Arabia (Harris 2009 10). The extension of Lebanons differences reaches into the divide between Sunni Arab states and Shia Iran and into the standoff between the united States, France, and Saudi Arabia on one ha nd and Syria and Iran on the other. In this common sense, Lebanon really is the cockpit of the Middle East (Harris 2009 10). As we shall see it is in Syrian, Israeli and Irans interest to see a high degree of conflict. 4. 1 Syria Due to its geography and history, Lebanon always has to deal with Syria, whose administration had always considered it as an illegitimate political entity that has to be dominated.According to Harris (2009 1) Lebanon is therefore the target of all the ambitions and phobias of the Syrian dictatorship, which cannot function as an Arab power without takeing the Lebanese. Lebanons multicommunal history makes for problems of coherence in modern Lebanese politics. communal suspiciontoday principally on a Sunni-Shia fault lineproduces paralysis that saps Lebanons viability and pluralist foundations. This is fine for a Syrian Bathist regime that denies there is anything significant about the Lebanese and their history, despises pluralism, and regards restored co mmand of Lebanon as vital to its own viability as the beating heart of Arabism (Harris 2009 20). Syria and its Lebanese allies paralyzed the Lebanese state, declaring the government illegitimate, refusing to allow parliament to meet, and blocking the election of a Lebanese president after Emile Lahoud in the end left office in November 2007. Syrian military intelligence manipulated so-called al-Qaida elements in a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanonthe Fath al-Islam groupto destabilize Lebanon, debilitate its army, and disrupt Lebanons Sunni community (Harris 2009 19). The problem is that the Syrian ruling clique will not leave Lebanon alone. It is determined on reassertion through its allies, and its victory will be the end of any decent Lebanon. Lebanese pluralism cannot coexist with Bashar al-Asads regime (Harris 2009 22).The 2005 murder of Rafik Hariri started a period of exceptional domestic political turbulence and regional tensions, it led to institutional paralysis (ICG 2010 i). Initially experts accused Damascus. It is assumed that it is part of a Syrian plot to destabilize the country. formally no one knows who carried out the attack and who was behind it. What can be said is that the assassination of Hariri subject doors for many political actors to get into the Lebanese and Arab political scene. 4. 2 Israel Throughout the relatively short history of their existence as modern states, Israels and Lebanons mutual inch has proven to be mostly disadvantageous to both countries (Spyer 2009 195).For Lebanon, Israels establishment was the primary cause for the eventual arrival of the Palestinian national movement to within its borders in 1970 (Spyer 2009 195). This, in turn, was a notice factor in precipitating the countrys ruinous civil war, the Israel-PLO war on Lebanese soil in 1982, the partial collapse of Lebanese sovereignty after the Syrian entry in 1990, and the partial Israeli occupation of Confederate Lebanon until 2000 (Spyer 2009 195). The series of events that would lead to Israels involvement in Lebanon began with the Palestinian national movement in Lebanon. (Spyer 2009 198). capital of Lebanon became the international center of focus for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the place of residence of its senior leading (Spyer 2009 198).As a result, Lebanon became one of the theatres in which the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians would be contend out (Spyer 2009198). Civil order broke down in Lebanon in 1975, in a civil war in which the Palestinians symbolizeed a central role. Contacts between Israel and prominent Lebanese Maronite politicians had been developing since the mid-1970s against the background of the breakdown of civil order in Lebanon and the central role of the PLO in the Muslim/ leftist coalition against which the Maronites were battle (Spyer 2009 199). Over time, Bashir Gemayel, most prominent among anti- Syrian Maronite leaders at the time, became the main Maroni te contact for the Israelis (Spyer 2009 199). Throughout, Bashirs purpose was to encourage Israel to deputise against the Syrian garrison forces in Lebanon (Spyer 2009 199). The 1982 Lebanon War was very much the brainchild of Menachem Begin, the Israeli prime minister from 1977 till 1983 and Ariel Sharon the Israeli Minister of Defense during the war (Spyer 2009 202). An anti-Gemayel, anti-Israel, anti-U. S. , and pro-Syrian alignment was now emerging as the key political force in the country (Spyer 2009 203). A number of inflammatory incidents deriving from Israels ignorance of the sensibilities of Shia Muslims contributed to the deterioration of the situation (Spyer 2009 203). In 1985 Israeli forces occupied a strip of territory in southerly Lebanon.A security zone close to the Israeli border, which was maintained in cooperation with the SLA (Spyer 2009 204). Israels unilateral withdrawal from the security zone took place in 2000, thus ending the 18-year period of Israeli milita ry involvement on Lebanese soil (Spyer 2009 205). The Second Lebanon War which began on July 12, 2006 was one between al-Jihad and Israel. Resolution 1701, which ended the fighting, changed the situation in southern Lebanon to Israels advantage, in that it ended the de facto al-Jihad domination of the southern border area that had pertained since the unilateral Israeli withdrawal in May 2000 (Spyer 2009 208). Israel currently has no dealings with any of the major political actors within Lebanon.However, while large-scale Israeli adventures to make alliance with political forces within Lebanon are part of the past, the weakness of the Lebanese state and central authority remain very much part of the present. One of the results of this weakness, which is itself a product of the countrys divided sectarian makeup, is its vulnerability to external penetration, and therefore its oft-repeated, luckless fate as the launching ground for attacks by various forces (the PLO, Syria, now Iran a nd Hizballah) against Israel, its southern neighbor. This fact remains the core reality behind Israels relations with Lebanon. It is unlikely that the final say in this story has been written. 4. 3 Iran Lebanons Shia community resides in the heart of the largely Sunni Arab world and on the frontline with Israel therefore, Lebanons Shia are of double interest to their coreligionists in revolutionary Shia Iran (Harris 2009 10). Hezbollah was and remains a militant Khomeinist Islamist movement that adheres to Khomeinis doctrine of velayet-e-faqih, rule by a cleric in an Islamist state. Its ties to Iran are organic, multifaceted, and complex (Badran 2009 47). In order to understand Hezbollahs origins properly, one moldiness remember that the major force pushing for its establishment was the Islamic regime in Iran, as it worked to compound the Shia factions and forces operating in Lebanon (Zisser 2009 158). Iran wanted everyone to work together under the Hezbollah framework (Zisser 20 09 158).The crisis situation that developed from the early 1970s onward became the breeding ground for a process of religious radicalization (Zisser 2009 158). In these circumstances, Musa al-Sadr, a religious figure of Iranian origin, appeared and gained a position of great influence and power in the Shia community (Zisser 2009 158). Hezbollahs dilemma has to do with its identity, which contains a tension reinforced into its very origins and being (Zisser 2009 156). How is this tensionbetween the organizations Lebanese-Shia identity on the one hand and its Islamic-revolutionary identity, its commitments to Iran, and its conception of the holy jihad on the otherto be resolved? The balance ow seems to be turning in favor of the Islamic-revolutionary identity, which also means turning in favor of Tehran (Zisser 2009 156). There is no doubt that the war and its aftermath revealed as never before, and against the desire and interests of Hezbollah, the fact that the organization is the handcraft of Tehran, if not simply its instrument. Hezbollah has also been exposed as an organization dedicated to and active in achieving radical and far-reaching aims (Zisser 2009 156-157). Its aim in the short term is to gain dominance over Lebanon and in the long term to turn that country into a Shia-dominated state ruled by Islamic law and intimately linked to Iran (Zisser 2009 157).From the mid- 1980s the organization began (with generous Iranian help) to establish a network of social and public assistance services that would draw the support of the Shia community and provide it with an alternative to the services provided by the Lebanese state, or, to be more precise, to the benefits and aid the state should have provided for this population and did not (Zisser 2009 159). With the build-up of this social infrastructure, the movement contributed to undermining the position of the Lebanese government. By the end of the 1980s the Iranian-sponsored Hezbollah grew in popularity as a force combining opposition to Israeli occupation with a wider Shia Islamist ideology implacably opposed to Israels existence and to the West (Sper 2009 204).Hezbollahs advance to the international boundary in southern Lebanon make it even more multipurpose to its Iranian and Syrian patrons as a deterrent force in case of threats from Israel or the United States. It seemed to have it within its power to take over Lebanonor at least those parts of the country inhabited by Shiaand to establish an Islamic order there on the Iranian posture (Harris 2009 71). As a result of the Iranian-Syrian agreement after the Taif Accord ended the Lebanese war, Hezbollah was the only militia to be excluded from handing over its weapons under the pretext that it was a resistance movement fighting Israeli occupation rather than a militia (Badran 2009 47). This was a big mistake as it induces fragility.Since the Israeli withdrawal in 2000 and more so after the Syrian withdrawal in 2005, the fate o f Hezbollahs armed status (which has grown massively and developed doctrinally, ironically, after the Israeli withdrawal) is the central issue in Lebanon today (Badran 2009 47). Hezbollah had presented itself as the defender of Lebanon but proved to be its ruination since it brought so much destruction down upon the heads of its people (Zisser 2009 166). After the 2006 war Hezbollah had difficulty maintaining the ambiguity about its identity (Zisser 2009 166). In particular, the contrasts and contradictions between the organizations Lebanese identity and its loyalty to Iran, on the one hand, and its Islamic-revolutionary identity with its commitments to Iran, on the other, were exposed (Zisser 2009 173).Hezbollah had tried to bridge or obscure these troublesome conflicting elements over the years (Zisser 2009 173). Yet in the moment of truth it became clear that it was not prepared to renounce its part hidden agendathat is, its loyalty to Iran and the ideas of radical Islam and jih ad (Zisser 2009 173). Hezbollah was now perceived more and more as a Shia organization serving the interests of Iran, as well as being an organization sinking deeper and deeper into the quicksand of Lebanese politics (Zisser 2009 166). It dragged Lebanon into a bloody battle with Israel, whose price was paid, first and foremost, by the Shia of Lebanon but also by many other Lebanese from other ethnic communities (Zisser 2009 173).It seems that the organization, inspired and helped by Iran, its ally and patron, is more committed than ever to continue the long and unremitting struggle it began when it was first launch in the early 1980s, with the ultimate aim of taking power in Lebanon (Zisser 2009 174). The possibility that Hezbollah powerfulness succeed in its mission has become more realistic, thanks to the demographic processes taking place in Lebanon. Hezbollah is therefore a major destabilizing factor (Zisser 2009 175). 5. Lebanon a conflict-affected fragile state When Lebanon gained independence in 1941, the country found itself at a loss without the French hierarchy to maintain internal control and order. A new class of political elites, with little experience, was forced to discover ways to deal with the form of Lebanese society. It was with this in mind that the National Pact of 1943 was crafted.The Pact was based on the census of 1932, and sought to address divisions among the Lebanese, but in the end, it would only serve to deepen them. In the years after the Arab-Israeli War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict landed on Lebanons doorstep with the arrival of Palestinian commandos. Many Palestinian refugees, as well as militants, settled in camps in southern Lebanon, the legacy of which continues to influence Lebanese society. The migration of Shia to the capital, which was triggered by Israeli raids, heightened the already volatile mix of interests within the Lebanese political sphere. Ignored throughout the edict years, the introduction of the con fessional system saw the Shia fight for an equal voice alongside the Sunnis, Druze, and Maronites.As Lebanese society became increasingly divided, individual sectarian groups began to arm themselves militarily through their own militia organizations. Today, these militias still play a key role within the Lebanese security sphere. Ultimately, the Palestinian presence within Lebanon acted as a trigger to the outbreak of civil war among all Lebanese factions. Although Palestinian militants were the original cause of the war, it was sectarian interest and division that sustained the conflict well into the spare-time activity decade. The ceasefire agreement reached by Syria and the PLO in 1976 sealed Syrian dominance within Lebanon and has had a lasting impact on the country well into the early 2000s.Nonetheless, the agreement did little to improve sectarian division and militia violence on the ground. The decades following the 1982 Israeli War continued to be marred by sectarian confli ct and an international block of war for Lebanon. Tensions along the Lebanese-Israeli border have continued well into the present day, in light of suspicions that Hezbollah is rearming for any future conflict. Ultimately, the greatest consequence of the summer war can be understood in terms of power within Lebanon. Indeed, the summer 2006 war marked the advent of power for Hezbollah, both within Lebanon and throughout the region. Considering it is a non-state actor, and that Lebanese chairperson Fouad Siniora was in power, Hezbollah acted with state authority.This conflict reopened old wounds within Lebanese society, seeing as Hezbollah feels vindicated by the 2006 conflict and now seeks full learning of its power. Moreover, state fragility is further deepened in a context where conflict has led to the intervention of external actors, each of whom have chosen sides in a dispute whose political and strategic consequences extend well beyond Lebanon. The current dynamics of fragile state security in Lebanon are not being dictated by Lebanese interests, but rather by the broader external policy aims of foreign parties such as Syria, Israel, and Iran. This situation is particularly problematic for the prospects of long-term and lasting stability within Lebanon.Although sectarian politics have been an influential reality since Lebanon became a fully independent state in 1941, they have taken on a new shape in an environment defined by the post 9/11 context and by three main evolutions, namely the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese President Rafik Hariri, the 2005 withdrawal of Syrian military forces, and Hezbollahs rise to power in Lebanon. Conclusion The central question throughout this paper has been whether Lebanon is a fragile state or not. The precarious political order of Lebanon has illustrated the distinctiveness of the country. Although colonial rule is not unique to the Lebanon, its colonial past, combined with the evolution of politics, economics, a nd society in the region, as well as the role played by external actors, molds a very specific set of circumstances vis-a-vis state security that translates into an expression of fragile state security very specific to the region. The Lebanese State has always been weak.Politicians have generally sought to serve interests of their constituencies instead of the national interest. This factor has its roots in the National Pact that limited the authority of the state to maximize the self-reliance of sectarian groups. As a result, Lebanese citizens feel loyalty towards their community instead of towards the country. Lebanons political system erodes the authority of the state by fuelling clientelism. Foreign protection of or influence on each community further undermines this authority. Moreover, Lebanons political system makes the state vulnerable to any stifled sense of frustration or injustice or dispossession felt by any community. Consequently, patronage networks swiftly re-emerged .In all, Lebanons political system is based upon the principle that the State should interfere in society as little as possible. The resulting weakness of state institutions has made Lebanon vulnerable to infringements of its domestic, interdependence and sovereignty. The rise of Hezbollah has made this clear. In section 1, fragile states were defined as states that are failing, or at risk of failing, with respect to authority, comprehensive basic service provision, or legitimacy. In conclusion, in this sense, Lebanon passed on all three domains. Lebanon fails to protect its citizens as there is significant organized political violence civil wars.Also there is periodic political or communal violence causing deaths and destruction. Although the authority of the state is being undermined, it does not go as far as to say that the state authority (at present) does not extend to a significant proportion of the country. Hezbollah made sure to illustrate the inadequate delivery of services by the state. Also, in Lebanon the question of legitimacy is raised, inherent in being a multi-communal state. Lebanon, from all observable indicators, embodies the phenomenon of schism in the political and cultural realms () it is a society without foundation, fragile, divided, disjointed and torn (Dr.Khalaf, cited in Raphaeli 2009 109). Bibliography Badran, T. (2009) Lebanons militia wars, in Rubin (ed), Lebanon Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York Palgrave Macmillan, 35-62. DfID (2005) Why we need to work more effectively in fragile states . Department for International Development. El-Khazen, F. (2000) The breakdown of the state in Lebanon, 1967-76. London I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd Farha, M. (2009) Demographic Dilemmas, in B. Rubin (ed), Lebanon Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York Palgrave Macmillan, 83-99. Foreign policy (2011a) FAQ & Methodology, Foreign policy. Online at http//www. foreignpolicy. om/articles/2009/06/22/2009_failed_states_index_faq_methodology(r etrieved 28 February 2011). Foreign Policy (2011b) The Failed States Index 2010, Foreign policy. Online at http//www. foreignpolicy. com/articles/2010/06/21/2010_failed_states_index_interactive_map_and_rankings (retrieved 28 February 2011). Harris, W. (2009) Lebanons Roller Coaster Ride, in B. Rubin (ed), Lebanon Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York Palgrave Macmillan, 63-82. ICG (2010) Lebanons Politics The Sunni Community and Hariris Future Current, Middle East Report, N96. Iqbal, Z. and H. Starr (2007) State Failure Conceptualization and Determinants. Working paper, University of South